Tyranny of the Minority by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt is another well-meant bestselling account of America’s democracy crisis that will not solve it. Read my overview and review of the book:
Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, two political scientists at Harvard University, analyze the erosion of democratic institutions in the United States in Tyranny of the Minority. In eight chapters, they describe how a small, increasingly radical minority can permanently block the political majority through institutional imbalances, with the US Constitution as an unwitting accomplice.
“Fear of Losing” (22 pages) The book begins by examining a central psychological dynamic: the fear of losing power. The authors argue that democracies become unstable when political actors are no longer willing to accept defeat. In recent years, they say, many politicians, particularly in the Republican Party, have turned away from the basic rule of democracy—accepting election results. In a pluralistic society, it is normal to lose elections. However, when remaining in power becomes an existential question, dangerous dynamics arise. According to Levitsky and Ziblatt, this fear – especially among white, evangelical conservatives – forms the breeding ground for authoritarian strategies.
“The Banality of Authoritarianism” (31 pages) Based on Hannah Arendt’s famous formulation, this article examines the role of “followers.” The authors show that anti-democratic developments are promoted not only by extremists, but also by established actors. These “semi-loyal democrats” (a term coined by Juan Linz) wear suits and formally adhere to the rules – but they tacitly allow these rules to be undermined. Similar to how conservative elites in 1930s France did not distance themselves decisively enough from the right-wing extremist mob, many Republicans today tolerate openly anti-democratic behavior as long as it serves their power. The erosion of democratic norms often begins quietly – but that is precisely what makes it so dangerous.
“It Has Happened Here” (27 pages) In a particularly stirring historical review, Levitsky and Ziblatt show that democratic dismantling is not a new phenomenon. In the late 19th century, after the end of Reconstruction, white elites in the South – including in Wilmington, North Carolina – carried out outright coups to destroy the political participation of black citizens. They relied on open violence, election fraud, and “lawfare” – legal means such as poll taxes and literacy tests. The authors emphasize that the US Constitution did not effectively protect voting rights or the separation of powers at that time – and it still does not today. The structural possibility of minority rule is not an accident, but the result of a constitutional design from a pre-democratic era.
“Why the Republican Party Abandoned Democracy” (41 pages) This is one of the central chapters of the book. It traces the development of the Republican Party into the “party of white, Christian fear.” Since the “Southern Strategy” of the 1960s, the party has deliberately rebuilt its base: away from urban and moderate voters and toward a shrinking but highly mobilizable white minority increasingly characterized by authoritarian attitudes. Rather than adapting to a changing voter majority, as would be expected in a democratic competition, the party developed strategies to secure its structural power through gerrymandering, voting restrictions, media control, and blatant election fraud. The book identifies this radicalization as one of the main causes of the current crisis of democracy.
“Fettered Majorities” (32 pages) This chapter highlights the institutional barriers that stand in the way of genuine majority democracy. The US Constitution, originally designed as a safeguard against excessive concentration of power, has become a bulwark against reform. In particular, the filibuster in the Senate—an institutional peculiarity with no constitutional basis—allows a minority of 41 senators to effectively block almost any legislative initiative. The authors cite the example of the failed background checks on gun purchases after the Sandy Hook massacre: at that time, 45 senators, representing only 38% of the population, prevented a measure that had over 80% support in polls.
“Minority Rule” (33 pages) unfolds the core of the argument: the structural overrepresentation of rural, small states in the Senate and the distortion caused by the Electoral College enable a party to govern permanently with minority support – and even to dominate the Supreme Court. Levitsky and Ziblatt impressively demonstrate that since the beginning of the 21st century, the Republican Party has never held a Senate majority that also represented the majority of the population. Nevertheless, under Trump, it was able to appoint three conservative constitutional judges in 2016 – a structural coup with a democratic facade. This “constitutional protection” creates a safe space for the GOP from democratic competition – and enables radicalization without risk.
“America the Outlier” (26 pages) In international comparison, the US Constitution appears to be an anomaly: inflexible, elitist, outdated. While Norway, for example, has reformed its constitution more than 300 times, US politics finds it extremely difficult to make any adjustments. The chapter emphasizes that the United States is not in crisis because it has lost its democratic order, but because it has never reformed it sufficiently. Compared to other Western democracies, the US is structurally less well equipped to resist authoritarian tendencies.
“Democratizing Our Democracy” (35 pages) discusses possible ways out. In 15 reform proposals, the authors call for, among other things, a nationwide guarantee of voting rights, automatic voter registration, a ban on manipulative gerrymandering, the abolition of the filibuster, constitutional reform of Senate representation, and a fundamental modernization of the constitutional amendment process. But they themselves know that these reforms are hardly enforceable under the existing rules. They argue that we need to think utopically: American history has always been marked by “rare but significant” moments of democratic renewal.
Seen from a Civil democracy perspective, Tyranny of the Minority provides a nice and fitting critique of institutional distortions in the US Constitution. But despite its analytical acuity, it falls short of what is really necessary to solve the crisis of democracy.
First, Levitsky and Ziblatt take the fear of losing power—especially among white, evangelical conservatives—as a given, rather than analyzing it as a consequence of social and institutional alienation. They portray these groups as anti-democratic without asking why entire milieus have retreated into an uncompromising defensive stance. They also largely fail to mention that Donald Trump was able to mobilize not only white evangelicals, but increasingly conservative Black and Latino voters as well.
Furthermore, they narrow the threat to democracy to the United States. However, the global crisis of democratic institutions—from India to Israel and Hungary to France and Germany—shows that we are dealing with a deeper problem. In contrast, Rethinking Democracy speaks of a crisis of democratic self-efficacy. Among Republican voters in particular, there is a strong feeling that “the system is broken” – a signal that Levitsky and Ziblatt overlook.
The reforms they propose are certainly sensible. But they are insufficient. What is missing is a strategy for mobilizing the social movement needed to achieve this. Such a movement cannot be limited to defending the status quo of representative democracy—it must offer people greater decision-making power and democratic experience.
In sum, the book’s criticism of the US Constitution is justified with regard to the Reconstruction era. For today, it is not enough. Without new democratic institutions that generate responsibility through direct self-efficacy, American democracy will not enter calmer waters, even in the (hopefully still possible) democratic victory in the 2028 elections. I sincerely hope for America that Rethinking Democracy will find a wide readership even though I am not a renowned Harvard professor.
