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Rethinking Peace: Social Representation Dynamics and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Many people building a house together

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has often been described as “eternal”. But it is just a child of the 20th century and its partly realized and often failed promise to establish democratic efficacy and responsibility through the representation of homogenous groups. As such, it will be overcome in the 21st century through establishing democratic efficacy and responsibility based on citizens and civil societies. Focusing on these social representation dynamics allows to foster ending the conflict through an orientation, a method, and a shared historical understanding.

  • The orientation is towards building a shared peaceful, just, and prospering society through solving social problems together.
  • The method is Civil democracy with nation-based veto powers, that is making decisions together with individualized participation and individualized representation among options that are for both sides acceptable.
  • The historical understanding is that 20th century thinking brought us together into this mess, and that 21st century thinking can bring us out if we apply it.

Let’s review these three in reverse order.

Historical understanding: The 20th century was the time of the promise to establish democratic efficacy and responsibility through the representation of homogenous groups. Organizing individuals in non-overlapping and homogenous groups had fostered the European ascent to wealth and power, it had replaced monarchy through democracy, and in the late 1940s, everyone expected that to be the case soon globally. The fascist extremism in making societies homogenous had killed one in three Jews worldwide, with a long threatening build-up before. So, building on continuous small Jewish presence throughout the centuries, the 20th century brought Jews in great numbers to the land, and it brought the mass expulsion of Arab inhabitants. Historians will continue for long to discuss who did what exactly.

We can, however, agree that both developments happened under the impression that societies would demand homogeneity to prosper, an impression dominant on both sides and everywhere else, not only in the West but no less in Islamic societies. In this process, a mass Jewish presence (with the state of Israel as its organization) and in response a Palestinian identity developed. Any attempt for peace demands to accept that both are here to stay. Palestinians are not just Arabs that could go to other Arab countries, and Israelis are not just Jews that could go to Europe. Both are here to stay, so any attempt for peace demands common solving of common problems in a peaceful manner.

Unfortunately, for a very long time this did not take place. In societies not organized in non-overlapping groups from the outset, the partitioning representation aspect of traditional democracy sets incentives to politicians to secure political support through constructing identity in a conflictive way. Since the 1990s, we see this in the growth of populist and exclusionary movements throughout Western societies, including the Israeli one.

But already much earlier when it became apparent that the promise of the Western democracy model would not work in Islamic societies, this mechanism had played out in the larger discourse of non-Western societies. No one saw that social representation dynamics and the lack of developing more adequate democratic institutions were to blame for the lack of social progress. Incidents of Western power exertion were taken as explanation instead, since 1948 fostering a continuous myth of “armed resistance” with the goal of “liberation”, concepts taken from cases where English or French inhabitants could easily reintegrate in true homelands.

Method: Using Civil democracy allows to overcome these destructive incentives. Democratic responsibility is ultimately the responsibility of the citizens, so they need to exert it directly through participation in all relevant decisions. Avoiding democratic fatigue demands individualizing this participation in a individualized combination with representation. Exerting responsibility through representation as precisely as possible demands to individualize it through letting individuals be presented not by just one representative but all political actors they trust. As for this function of representation political actors have to disclose their preferences on decisions, they are called ‘Open actors’, a concept embracing civil society organizations, individual politicians, experts, and traditional representatives, allowing for the necessary integration of existing traditional trust structures.

Orientation: With Civil democracy, the shared goal is building a common peaceful, just, and prospering society through solving social problems together. A society in which angry young people are no longer labeled neither liberation fighters nor terrorists but young people with problems that need a helping hand to become part of this process of building a society of peace, justice, and prosperity.

The Uniting Element in Reconciling Divided Societies and Building Global Governance

Presentation title Democratic Efficacy: The Missing Link in the Too-Long Unsuccessfully Tried

Recently, the possibility opened up to present the Civil democracy approach to Rebecca Shoot, Co-Convener at the Washington Working Group for the International Criminal Court (WICC) and former Executive Director at Citizens for Global Solutions (CGS). I was especially happy because Rebecca’s recent work with CGS was aimed at global governance, while her ongoing one at the WICC has a focus on divided societies and intractable conflict, a wide areas with cases as Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland, the recently reheated conflict between India and Pakistan, with cases currently seen as more historically conflictive but with ongoing potential for violence as Bosnia/Herzegovina, Cyprus, or Rwanda, or cases of societies in continuous struggles to build peaceful relations among their members and social groups, as Lebanon or South Africa. Her work thus bridges two fields in which the demand for better institutions is most present. I have worked on both areas, but at that time my theoretical conceptions seem not yet have been clear enough, so that none of that work has been able to publish so far, and I was thrilled by the challenge to present both vastly different fields under one uniting perspective and eager to see whether I would be able to communicate the advantages of Civil democracy in both fields better this time.

Presentation slide with the text: Two Long-Time Riddles Global Governance The current global institutional system is in legitimacy crisis because people don’t see themselves as political agents in global governance. Private actors and informal multi-stakeholder arrangements in global governance disempower ordinary citizens. Global institutions fail to build democratic agency from below. Divided Societies In many conflict zones, people need to escape conflictive narratives and passive defense for common problem solving. Current attempts build on politicians facing the incentive of building internal legitimacy conflictively. Peace is made by people, not by politicians. Two different areas, one common problem:

The second slide introduces the common perspective in form of the common problem of democratic efficacy:

Democratic Efficacy The fact that people feel heard and part of the political process through their formal democratic participation Needed for democratic global governance as well as pacifying divided societies Once partly realized, today mostly lost, plus a table that describes democratic efficacy in the Second half of 20th century in Western societies (+few others) as Realized through group homogeneity norms, in most non-Western societies as Unrealized, globally in this period as Realized through national representation, and in the 21st century in Western societies (+few others) Increasingly unrealized through individualization, in most non-Western societies as unrealized, and globally as Increasingly unrealized through globalization.

Slide #3 introduces how the problem can be solved:

Regaining Democratic Efficacy: Identifying the problem "The one vote on the ballot": "Partitioning representation" Demands people to join non-overlapping groups for representation Works only if such groups exist: pre-media counties, pre-1968 classes Regaining democratic efficacy is possible Decision orientation Individualizing participation Individualizing representation For areas as global governance and divided societies Vision: Long-term democratic efficacy builds peace and prosperity Strategy: Implementation possible through small-starting movements

Slide #4 dives deeper into the “How” of regaining democratic efficacy:

How Does It Work? Decision orientation Making important decisions with individualized participation and representation, rendering representative positions less important. Accepting complex decisions with many (incl. compromise) options Retrieving option rankings from all citizens without overload Individualizing participation Mixing direct-democratic participation and representation through the 'meta-decision freedom' to either participate of be represented Indirect ranking as decision proposal or for representation Individualizing representation Splitting and specifying the vote allows to include all political actors from traditional actors to specialized civil society organizations Named 'Civil democracy' for empowering citizens and civil society

And the fifth slide is already the last, describing the current perspective:

What Next? Spreading the word Rethinking Democracy to be launched late 2025 Search for cooperation partners in five areas Western societies, public media, urban governance, Middle East, global (esp. climate) governance Funding and (re-)building a platform On existing but non-scalable prototype Starting the 'Movement of movements' e.g. for global governance: Connecting transnational climate NGOs for democratically mandated civil society representation and own collective decision proposals at upcoming COP negotiations. For further information: hanno.scholtz@uzh.ch, +41.79.755.3227

Let me know what you think of the presentation!

Israel/Palestine: Peace may be nearer than you think

Two children in a war-devastated landscape seeing a white dove fly

In October 2024 in Israel and Palestine, peace seems to be further away than ever.

In fact, however, it might be closer than ever. The war has shaken off entrenched views.
Current emotions will abate, but new perspectives will remain. We can build on them.

Apparently, things are becoming worse and worse.
But below the surface, important developments are happening:

  • On both sides, almost everyone agrees that the system is no longer working.
  • On both sides, individuals are open to a system which would actively empower them.

These individuals can become a new movement to represent the true needs of their peoples. We can’t get what we need while ignoring the other side’s needs. But together, we can finally build peace.

  • We all want to live and feel safe in this land.
  • We accept that the other side lives in this land, too, and isn’t going anywhere.
  • We understand that security needs to be mutual.
    Israelis are realizing that security can’t be built purely on strength
    while ignoring the threat under which Palestinians live.
    Palestinians are realizing that security can’t be demanded as a right
    while ignoring the threat under which Israelis live.

Both sides can only live in security if they are concerned with the security of the other. Both sides know now that their established institutions have failed to grant that security. On both sides, citizens have become aware they must start this process by themselves.

New institutions are not built overnight. They are built by a process of constantly engaging members of a movement on both sides, to make sure that everyone is represented in every decision and we are all part of a wide network of trustworthy and knowledgeable actors to jointly develop policies.

In this movement, you will be involved in shaping all policies that are relevant to you. You will meet others who will offer their help, you will be able to offer others help in areas you are experienced in, and connections will grow in understanding and in shaping the country together, including across divides that seem so irreconcilable today.

In creating new policies, we learn and develop new institutions together, and thus build peace. We can quickly and completely change the rules of the game.

This movement starts now. It needs your help. It needs everything a new organization needs, from people spreading the word to programmers and fundraisers. It needs actors who are willing to devise policies, to explain how their knowledge and experience guides them in ranking potential options, and to provide arguments why they do so. Most of all, it needs voters who are able to understand the vision and willing to open a completely new chapter in history. Will you be one of them?

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